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Brendon O’Connell- Israel Has Back Door on All Microsoft Devices

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Meaning Israel now has access to cyber-security systems across the planet and the ability to manipulate them Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

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Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

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Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

Náhled

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

Náhled

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

Náhled

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

Náhled

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

Náhled

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World

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Mueller Report’s Unwritten Chapter: Why Russians Were Courting Trump World Photo Illustration by Elizabeth Brockway/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Mueller report answers lots of questions but leaves one big one lingering: Why were so many Russians so eager to ingratiate themselves with Trump World?The report is in one sense a story of meetings, pitches, and introductions that were entertained but ultimately unfulfilled. “In some instances, the Campaign was receptive to the offers” of Russian help, “while in other instances the Campaign officials shied away," the report says. In any case, no one broke the law with a criminal conspiracy. Special counsel Robert Mueller reaffirmed the intelligence community’s conclusions that the Russian government directed an online campaign of hacking and trolling to help Donald Trump in 2016. What’s less clear are the intentions of the many Russians who reached out to the Trump campaign offline and whether they were well-connected covert emissaries of the Kremlin or just hucksters trying to latch onto the coattails of a potential president.  Parsing the motivations of the various Russian supplicants is difficult in part because many of them were a mirror image of their counterparts in Trump World: D-listers in their own political hierarchy for whom the line between state policy and personal gain is unclear. In previous court filings and in the special counsel’s final report, prosecutors wrote that the FBI believes Konstantin Kilimnik, a former partner in Paul Manafort’s consulting business in Ukraine who had worked for the Soviet army as a translator in the 1980s, has “ties to Russian intelligence.” Kilimnik held a Russian diplomatic passport as recently as 1997, and a number of his former associates relayed their belief that the dual Russian-Ukrainian national was, at least at some point, a spy.Kilimnik, the report reveals, received not just a single briefing from Manafort on Trump campaign polling and messaging strategy in August 2016 but continuous updates via text messages from Manafort’s aide Rick Gates. In turn, Kilimnik passed along a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort himself recognized as a “backdoor” to recognizing Russia’s de facto annexation of rebel-held parts of the country. Prosecutors concluded they could “not reliably determine” why Manafort passed along the polling data. Viewed in one light, it certainly can appear as though Kilimnik, a former intelligence officer, was a mere cutout for Manafort to pass Trump campaign information to the Russian government. But prosecutors couldn’t determine what Kilimnik did with the information, and both Manafort and Gates suggested an alternate explanation for the exchange: money.Manafort had run afoul of Oleg Deripaska, a wealthy Russian oligarch, when an investment fund  he tanked lost Deripaska millions and prompted a lawsuit. The report says Manafort had been trying to get back in his good graces ever since he’d taken a job at the Trump campaign. At the Aug. 2, 2016, meeting where Manafort had raised polling and fielded a peace plan, he also discussed the possibility that Deripaska could drop the lawsuit filed after the collapse of the investment fund. Kilimnik, in that sense, was Manafort’s way to kiss up to Deripaska again.Deripaska’s deep pockets and litigiousness may have drawn Manafort’s focus, but he’s more than just a money man. The Trump administration sanctioned him in 2018 for acting as a representative of the Russian government. His aide, Victor Boyarkin, who the report says ferried messages to Manafort via Kilimnik, is a former GRU officer whom the Treasury Department sanctioned for “providing Russian financial support to a Montenegrin political party ahead of Montenegro’s 2016 elections” shortly before Russia allegedly tried to pull off a coup in the country. Deripaska’s interest in Manafort may have not been just money either. In January 2017, the report says Manafort traveled to Madrid to meet a Deripaska aide and discuss “recreating [the] old friendship” between the two men but also “global politics.” Manafort sent an email to Trump’s incoming deputy national security adviser, K.T. McFarland, when he got back to the U.S. three days later about “important information” he had picked up “on my travels over the last month.” Manafort claimed it was about Cuba; the special counsel’s office couldn’t say whether that was true. In any case, no one appears to have followed up.Not all of the Russians pitching the Trump campaign had sinister backgrounds in the spy world.When the special counsel’s office charg Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

Huawei CEO offered Berlin no-spy deal to soften 5G concerns: Wirtschaftswoche

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Huawei CEO offered Berlin no-spy deal to soften 5G concerns: Wirtschaftswoche China's Huawei offered Berlin a "no-spy agreement" to address security concerns over the Chinese company's involvement in building Germany's next-generation 5G mobile infrastructure, a German magazine said on Wednesday. "Last month, we talked to the German Interior Ministry and said that we were ready to sign a no-spy agreement with the German government and to promise that Huawei will not install any backdoors in the networks," Wirtschaftswoche quoted Huawei Chief Executive Ren Zhengfei as saying. Germany last month set tougher criteria for vendors supplying network equipment, stopping short of singling out Huawei for special treatment and instead saying the same rules should apply to all vendors. Číst dále >>> Přeložit do en

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NWOO.ORG

New World Order Oppositton

Otázka – Odpověď V.V. Pjakina ze dne 15.04.2019

Irena 22.04.2019, 20:43

Ruský analytik odpovídá ve svém pravidelném pořadu na otázky z těchto témat: Proč je Wikileaks projekt tajných služeb a proč byl vydán Julian Assange právě teď, manipulace za volbou ukrajinského prezidenta a proč se Porošenko a Zelenskij setkali s Merkelovou a Macronem, proč Kreml upozornil na emocionálnost prohlášení běloruského prezidenta Lukašenka, propuštění ruského mafiána Srebrennikova,
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Přehled zpráv – RusVesna, RusNext 21.4.2019

Božena W. 22.04.2019, 10:16

1; Jak se změní ukrajinské zdravotnictví pod vedením Zelenského poradce. Hlavním heslem známého lékaře je, že medicína nemůže být levná. 2; Tajný štít Ruska. Jak vojska Raketové kosmické obrany chrání před hrozbami z kosmu? Generál Skoloťanyj: V roce 1993 se poprvé začalo nahlas mluvit o našem typu vojsk. Do té doby bylo dvacet let přísně
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Přehled zpráv – RusVesna, RusNext 20.4.2019

Božena W. 22.04.2019, 10:12

1; Porošenko bude sedět ve vězení, říká zástupce šéfa prezidentské administrativy. Portnov předpověděl Petru Porošenkovi nezáviděníhodný osud. 2; Velitelé ukrajinské armády panikaří kvůli hrozbám po volbách. Velení a důstojníci ukrajinských ozbrojených sil jsou znepokojeni možnou výměnou nejvyššího velitele. 3; Zelenskij srazil v debatách Porošenka na kolena, říká Savčenková. 4; Něco mezi demagogií a fraškou. V
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Přehled zpráv – RusVesna, RusNext 19.4.2019

Božena W. 22.04.2019, 10:04

1; Ukrajině hrozí kolaps kvůli novému ruskému zákazu. Medveděv poznamenal, že Rusko zavede zákaz exportu ropy a ropných produktů na Ukrajinu. 2; Prázdná slova. Gryzlov komentoval prohlášení Kyjeva ohledně Velikonočního příměří. Porošenko prohlásil, že 18. dubna mělo začít nové, Velikonoční příměří v Donbasu. 3; Vrchol debility. Na internetu se vysmáli známému Porošenkovu propagandistovi kvůli jeho
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ASSANGE, NIKULIN a ZUCKERBEREG a taky něco málo o Boeingu a Finsku

Petr Novák 19.04.2019, 23:58

Boeing Každý si již jistě všiml, že byla tato firma cíleně celosvětově odepisována. Začalo to pádem jejich letadel, následně řadou technických závad, což vedlo k jejich uzemnění, potom „prasklo“, že piloti i personál nebyl dostatečně přeškolován na nové typy strojů a jako poslední hřebík se do éteru pustila informace, že firma podváděla i své akcionáře.
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Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství

S MUDr. Jonášem o zdraví - 12. díl

Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství 08.12.2016, 12:37

MUDr. Josef Jonáš, jeden z nejznámějších českých badatelů v oblasti přírodní a celostní medicíny, radí jak pečovat o své tělesné a vlastně i duševní zdraví.
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S MUDr. Jonášem o zdraví - 11. díl

Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství 28.11.2016, 15:53

MUDr. Josef Jonáš, jeden z nejznámějších českých badatelů v oblasti přírodní a celostní medicíny, radí jak pečovat o své tělesné a vlastně i duševní zdraví.
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S MUDr. Jonášem o zdraví - 10. díl

Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství 23.11.2016, 01:35

MUDr. Josef Jonáš, jeden z nejznámějších českých badatelů v oblasti přírodní a celostní medicíny, radí jak pečovat o své tělesné a vlastně i duševní zdraví.
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S MUDr. Jonášem o zdraví - 9. díl

Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství 16.11.2016, 13:26

MUDr. Josef Jonáš, jeden z nejznámějších českých badatelů v oblasti přírodní a celostní medicíny, radí jak pečovat o své tělesné a vlastně i duševní zdraví.
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S MUDr. Jonášem o zdraví - 8. díl

Kinosvět - záhady a tajemství 08.11.2016, 11:57

MUDr. Josef Jonáš, jeden z nejznámějších českých badatelů v oblasti přírodní a celostní medicíny, radí jak pečovat o své tělesné a vlastně i duševní zdraví.
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Tomio Okamura

Tomio Okamura: Aréna Jaromíra Soukupa 16.4.2019

Tomio Okamura 22.04.2019, 09:59

Sledujte: https://www.facebook.com/tomio.cz Sledujte: https://www.facebook.com/hnutispd
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Tomio Okamura: Krásné Velikonoce

Tomio Okamura 19.04.2019, 09:14

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Tomio Okamura: Podpora živnostníkům a malým podnikatelům.

Tomio Okamura 18.04.2019, 19:09

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Tomio Okamura: Problémy České pošty

Tomio Okamura 18.04.2019, 11:35

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Tomio Okamura: Vláda škrtí živnostníky

Tomio Okamura 18.04.2019, 09:19

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Česká televize

Radkin Honzák: 8 tipů jak nezblbnout ze života

Česká televize 27.03.2019, 12:40

8 tipů jak nezblbnout ze života od legendy české psychologie a psychosomatiky Radkina Honzáka! Uznávaný psychiatr, skvělý lékař, pedagog, publicista a vtipný glosátor, slaví v plné práci tento týden své osmdesátiny. Celý život věnoval rozplétání záhad lidského chování, vydal řadu popularizujících knih a píše velmi čtený blog. Nový dokumentární portrét režisérky Š. Maixnerové sledujte v iVysílání → http://bit.ly/2WxXuTx
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Most!: Nejlepší hlášky

Česká televize 20.03.2019, 15:39

Tohle video je pro všechny, co rozumí řeči našeho kmene. 🍯🐬⚒️ Jen díky vám nebyl Most! jen takový to ťuknutí v buřtíku. Na jaké scény nejraději vzpomínáte? Všechny díly si můžete kdykoliv pustit v iVysílání! → http://bit.ly/2HCr5qB
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Most!: 10 hodin relaxačních zvuků hospody do vašich sluchátek (ASMR)

Česká televize 28.02.2019, 11:01

Člověk má nějak rozplánovanej celej den a zhroutí se to, když zavřou hospodu. 🍻🍴🔒🤕 Co dělat, když má vaše “Severka” zavřeno nebo vás partner v pátek večer nechce pustit ven? Stačí si nasadit sluchátka, pohodlně se usadit a nechat se přenést na místo, které máte na celém světě nejraději. #Most! #dyckymost #asmr Most!: Relaxační zvuky hospody do vašich sluchátek (ASMR) na streamovacích službách → https://song.link/s/73Fee2a7EfBzpm8nRGdyTS V Severce nahrál a smíchal Tarnovski → https://soundcloud.com/tarnovski https://jipangu.bandcamp.com Seriál Most! sledujete v iVysílání → http://ceskatelevize.cz/most Spotify playlist hudby ze seriálu → https://spoti.fi/2Rvy76o
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Geislerky vs. Instagram | KOPTASHOW

Česká televize 15.02.2019, 13:37

Jakub Vágner radí, jak bojovat s omrzlinami | KOPTASHOW

Česká televize 05.02.2019, 13:33

Na Střeše (2019) | Oficiální videoklip

Česká televize 05.02.2019, 09:01

Rapl 2 / Raplsalon

Česká televize 23.01.2019, 09:22

Má to nalítáno k milionu kilasů a to už se dvakrát stáčelo. Na některý životní cesty je ale lepší vyjet autem, který vám zaručeně nikdo nevezme. 🚕🔧💶 V našem speciálním RAPLsalonu se seznamte s Kunešovou novou továrnou na prachy! Premiérové díly seriálu Rapl už najdete v iVysílání. → http://bit.ly/2RFFhW7
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Jaro 2019 v České televizi

Česká televize 09.01.2019, 15:08

To musíte vidět! 👀 Nové seriály od ledna na Jedničce a v iVysílání. ▪️ Zkáza Dejvického divadla ▪️ Most! → ceskatelevize.cz/most ▪️ Rapl → ceskatelevize.cz/rapl ▪️ Strážmistr Topinka → ceskatelevize.cz/topinka
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Rapl se vrací!

Česká televize 07.01.2019, 10:00

Kuneš a spol. se vrací! Dlouho očekávané nové díly seriálu od 7. ledna každé pondělí ve 20:00 v iVysílání a na ČT1 → www.ceskatelevize.cz/rapl
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Rapl 2: Den s Máchou (Tomáš Jeřábek)

Česká televize 04.01.2019, 13:04

Před pondělním startem nové řady úspěšného seriálu Rapl se s námi podívejte na plac. 123. natáčecím dnem vás provede samotný podporučík Mácha! Kuneš a spol. se vrací od 7. ledna každé pondělí ve 20:00 v iVysílání a na ČT1 → www.ceskatelevize.cz/rapl
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ParlamentníListy.cz

ParlamentníListy.cz

Česká politická scéna jako na dlani

Blížíme se k fašismu, mezi lidmi se šíří strach. Petr Hampl vysvětluje, proč v kavárně propukla panika z nové strany Václava Klause

22.04.2019, 18:37

ROZHOVOR „V tuto chvíli je tu šest parlamentních stran, které prosazují stejný program, stejný politický styl a zastupují stejnou skupinu lidí: ODS, ČSSD, TOP 09, STAN, KDU-ČSL a Piráti. Rozdíly jsou kosmetické. Chcete předsedu v obleku, nebo s dredy? Vousatého, nebo oholeného? Jiný rozdíl není,“ říká sociolog Petr Hampl v rozhovoru pro ParlamantníListy.cz. „Blížíme se k fašistickému režimu, ale pořád si u nás žijeme mnohem svobodněji než lidé v západní části Evropy. Nicméně pokud nedojde k radikální politické změně, dlouho to nevydrží. Seznam témat, o kterých je zakázáno mluvit na veřejnosti, rychle roste. A státní moc i neziskovky postupují stále bezohledněji,“ varuje.
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Generále Franco, kde jste? Komentátor Joch se chytá za hlavu nad nejnovější akcí genderových aktivistů

22.04.2019, 20:16

ROZHOVOR „Generále Franco, kde jste, když vás vaše vlast potřebuje nejvíc,“ ptá se publicista a komentátor Roman Joch v souvislosti s aktuální situací v Barceloně, kde tamní škola vyřadila z knihovny na 200 pohádek včetně Červené karkulky pro jejich údajný sexistický podtext. Jocha naopak mnohem více trápí literatura, která vychází dnes. Vyjádřil se i k médii hojně citované debatě o kojení na veřejnosti. „Banka smí vyhodit kojící ženu, ale v momentu, kdy soukromá banka vyhodí kojící ženu, přestává být mou bankou a přecházím ke konkurenci,“ myslí si Joch.
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Jaromír Soukup totálně zesměšnil Petra Fialu. Jako kdyby se dostal do školy jen díky inkluzi...

22.04.2019, 15:54

V posledním díle Mých zpráv se Jaromír Soukup věnoval zdravotnictví, kde si prý ministr Vojtěch bude muset došlápnout na krajské a městské nemocnice. Také odsoudil vtípek předsedy ODS na adresu poslankyně Majerové Zahradníkové: „Tahleta legrácka je na úrovni žáka pátý třídy základní školy, který se do tý školy dostal podle mě díky inkluzi.“ A kdo může za to, že stoupá počet požárů? Kalousek.
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Hillary Clintonová má další ostudu. Jde o tweety po terorismu. Umírali prý „uctívači Velikonoc“

22.04.2019, 17:34

Publicistku Lucii Sulovskou zaujalo, jak se neúspěšná kandidátka na prezidentku Spojených států Hillary Clintonová postavila k teroristickým útokům na kostely a hotely na Srí Lance. Clintonová sklízí kritiku z celého světa, když se úzkostlivě vyhýbala slovu „křesťan“. Přitom v době útoku na mešity na Novém Zélandu zdůrazňovala, že se musíme zbavit islamofobie, takže slovo islám se nezdráhala použít.
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Klaus ml. zase štípnul ODSáky. A rozstřelil hořící Notre-Dame

22.04.2019, 13:31

Václav Klaus mladší napsal pár slov na adresu moderátorky Emmy Smetany, hořící katedrály Notre-Dame a vyjádřil se i ke své nové straně. Popsal, jaké bude hájit ideály.
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Zvědavec

Skládáme střípky informací

Kritika Izraele vás dostane do vězení

Kurt Nimmo 20.04.2019, 13:10

Tento blog bude brzy nelegální. Ne, neprodávám drogy ani nerozšiřuji dětskou pornografii. Píšu o amerických válkách a primárním cíli těchto nelegálních a nemorálních válek - učinit z Izraele hegemona na Středním východě, společně se Saúdskou Arábií. Veškerá americká zahraniční politika v tomto regionu se soustřeďuje na tyto dva národy. Následující text může být brzy klasifikován jako nenávistná řeč a antisemitismus (neboť kritika židovského státu a jeho sionistické politické ideologie je stále více považována za trestný čin).
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Automatická kontrola vozidel

Autor neuveden 19.04.2019, 01:10

Pro bezpečnostní složky každého státu (policie a tajné služby) je, alespoň teoreticky, složité najít rovnováhu mezi dvěma společenskými zájmy: mezi zajištěním bezpečnosti obyvatel a zachováním jejich soukromí. Česká republika se nevymyká trendu demokratického světa a dává přednost iluzi bezpečnosti před právem občanů na soukromí. Přitom bohužel dochází k dlouhodobému porušování základních občanských práv a svobod garantovaných mj. Listinou základních práv a svobod (Ústavní zákon č. 2/1993 Sb.).
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Zatčení Assange je varování z historie

John Pilger 18.04.2019, 01:10

Letmý pohled na to, jak byl Julian Assange odvlečen z ekvádorského velvyslanectví v Londýně, je symbolem této doby. Síla proti právu. Moc proti zákonu. Sprostota proti odvaze. Šest policistů, hrubě zacházejících s nemocným novinářem, který mhouřil oči před přirozeným denním světlem, jež viděl poprvé za téměř sedm let.
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Když hoři symboly, přichaza blba doba

Ladislav Větvička 17.04.2019, 01:10

Je to smutne, když zhoři jakysik barak. Navic pěkny barak. A navic symbol. Ale nic neni nahodne. Symboly mizi v přesně stanoveny čas. A po jejich zmizeni obvykle přichazaju horši doby.
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Dokaž, že jsi nevinen

Marian Kechlibar 16.04.2019, 01:30

Do poslanecké sněmovny jde návrh zpřísnění antidiskriminačního zákona. Převracel by kompletně důkazní břemeno a umožňoval neziskovkám hromadné žaloby bez konkrétních poškozených.
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Doba nespravedlnosti

Paul Craig Roberts 15.04.2019, 01:10

Den 11. dubna 2019 nám přinesl nové slovo pro Jidáše: Moreno - loutkový prezident Ekvádoru, který prodal Juliana Assange do Washingtonu za třicet stříbrných. Zatčení Assange, které proběhlo v ranních hodinách na ekvádorském velvyslanectví v Londýně, je první fází pokusu Washingtonu kriminalizovat první dodatek Ústavy Spojených států.
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Telekomunikační průmysl neprováděl žádný výzkum o zdravotním dopadu 5G

Autor neuveden 13.04.2019, 01:10

Indie plánuje zahájit testování sítě 5G do roku 2020, ale odborníci a průmysl se staví proti tomu kvůli dopadu na lidské zdraví a životní prostředí. Pátá generace bezdrátové sítě slibuje, že bude 50krát rychlejší než její předchůdce - 4G. Webová stránka Down To Earth provedla rozhovory s celou řadou odborníků na toto téma.
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Dostali Assangeho

Vladimír Stwora 12.04.2019, 01:10

Váleční zločinci, kterých je v americké vládě jedenáct do tuctu, ale nejen oni, ale i všichni zkorumpovaní, zrádní, prolhaní, zbabělí, bezpáteřní, zločinní politikové všech států světa, si mohou oddychnout. Dostali Juliana Assangeho. Konečně. Už nebude žádné odhalování jejich zločinů.
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